fat bird performance, may 16-23


yang qian and kang kang

one of fat bird’s goals is to develop an audience in shenzhen for theater. truth be told, experimental theater hasn’t yet caught on. however, there is an audience for regular theater, including musical theater. just this past week, fat bird performed “once a year”, a 90-minute comedy inspired by the play “same time, next year” by bernard slade. although the run was suspended during national mourning for the wenchuan earthquake victims, when it resumed, it was to standing room only audiences. what’s more, there is now a move to extend the run for an additional five days. yang qian performed the man and kang kang, the woman who meet once a year for sex and conversation. performance photos, here.

bienniale graffiti


graffiti in shenzhen: high-end, high-concept, art

today walking around the biennale grounds, i noticed a graffiti exhibition. so again, as at tianmian (and it seems that some of the same graffiti artists have been commissioned here as a there), high quality graffiti gets shown in shenzhen as art, but does not exist throughout the city, which favors overpainting everything. this version of high-concept high-art urbanism is increasingly reshaping older industrial areas in the sez (关内). it is a version of shenzhen that grows out of and confirms the priority of architecture to the city’s self-representation. it also reiterates the importance of commercial art to the kind of culture that the city sponsors at the annual china (shenzhen) international cultural industry fair . it also fits that many of the folks at the bienniale are young and hip and artistic. i’m not sure if they represent a new kind of global elite, or it’s simply the case that the young hip and artistic global elite has finally landed in shenshen. graffiti pics here

诗歌人间:Poetry in the World


poetry in the world

last night, the center book city (中心书城) hosted the first “poetry in the world” poetry reading. the event was produced by the shenzhen newspaper conglomerate (深圳报业集团) and the shenzhen publishing conglomerate (深圳出版发行企业). the managing producers were jingbao and shenzhen center book city. fat bird was one of the assistant producers, along with shenzhen newsnet and feiyang 971 music radio. i mention all this because poemlife did not participate. instead, the powers that be in shenzhen’s cultural ministries turned to 诗刊 for literary endorsement. now, from the point of view of cultural functionaries, the move from poemlife to “poetry” is understandable. unlike poemlife, “poetry” is a well-established cultural institution with good party credentials. in contrast, poemlife hovers at the edges of party control in virtual space. lamentably these politics meant that lai’er editor of poemlife and one of the original visionaries behind “poetry in the world” did not participate in last night’s reading.

we missed lai’er because last night was something of a triumph for poetry in otherwise unpoetic shenzhen. “poetry in the world” brought together poets from diverse generations and spaces, who might otherwise not share the same stage. thus, elder poets luo fu (洛夫) and duo duo (多多) read, as did a younger generation of poets lei pingyang (雷平阳), wang xiaoni (王小妮), yang jian (杨键), duo yu (朵渔), and yu jian (于坚).

in retrospect, what strikes me is the contradiction of the shenzhen art scene. there is money to bring in china’s leading poets for one evening and then a discussion the following day, but not the money or interest to nuture more longterm events like monthly readings or open mikes. my doubts have been reinforced by rumors that poetry in the world might not continue; it seems that for some, once was enough.

once edited, i will upload fat bird’s readings.

吉田园:the spectre of modernized death


high density real estate

today, some notes on human death and the spirit of capitalism with chinese characteristics.

last week some shenzhen university architecture grad students and i visited 深圳市吉田永久墓园 (shenzhen lucky fields eternal cemetary) (official translation: jitian permanent cemetary shenzhen) the translation difference is instructive. eternal resonates with my sense of death, but permanent speaks to the anxieties of the living: will the graves be moved? in shenzhen, land appropriation for development has meant that village graves have been moved; many have been reinterred at lucky fields. moreover, razing extant sites for new and improved development is a skill shenzheners have cultivated. so it’s not completely for sure that lucky fields won’t become obsolete.

lucky fields is a large scale cemetary located in buji, about twenty minutes (depending on traffic) from dafen village. like all buji real estate it abuts factories, which for me intensified the feeling of being packaged and slotted. in class, we’re thinking about modernization and the reorganization of traditional spaces, with an eye toward contributing an installation to the shenzhen architectural biennial, which takes place at the end of this year. (i’m beginning to think a cultural career might be made out of these biennials!) so, in addition to reading and discussing related materials, we’ve been going on field trips. going through the lucky fields’ literature, i was struck by the rhetorical similarity to all land related projects in shenzhen, namely the emphasis on planning and management, but also the promise to develop lucky fields as a namebrand (品牌). excerpts:

the shenzhen lucky fields eternal cemetary was established in 1994. it was approved by the guangdong provincial goverment department of civil affairs, and managed by the shenzhen municipal government. lucky fields covers an area of 448 mu and currently employs 30 people. after ten years of effort [paper was written in 2004] lucky fields has gradually transformed from a cementary conceptualized on paper into a new form of cememtary which exhibits modern culture and boasts beautiful scenes. throughout the construction of the cemetary, we have paid attention to planning and management. experience has taught us that planning is the basis of a company’s development and management the key to success. neither can be lacking. accordingly, at lucky fields we ceaselessly work to keep these two…[魂 also “soul” in some translations], it is also a company’s spirit/soul. in the intense competition of today’s market, if a company has a brand, it has a market, which is to have a future. this brand will promote a company’s growth and development at every moment…

(5) branding strategy a brand is a product’s spirit

now what’s fascinating is that as part of the promotion of the lucky fields brand, the company has joined the (apparently) first virtual memorial webside, 无尽的爱纪念网. online, people can post pictures of departed loved ones, write messages, and send condolences. there are also sites for beloved teachers, famous people, blogs, dreams, tradition, and marriages and births.

eelove compliments online marriages and gaming as a way of connecting to the world through electronic webs. it also seems to be important among diasporic chinese, who are unable to visit graves on important days.

interestingly (but not unexpectedly in the era of branding) eelove holds (non-traditional) memorial events (some free, some having fees) to go along with other holidays. but, then again, holidays are when we remember those who have left us. many of us (not just diasporic communities) aren’t living in the neighborhoods where we were born because we pursue jobs and dreams in a global world. we not only live far away from family, but also die and are buried in places that relatives can’t visit regularly, if at all. how do we speak to that alienation?

personally, i have been more moved/disturbed/confounded by the capitalization of death rituals than life rituals (such as marriage or birthdays). at death, the fact that we’re making money off each other just sits there, uncovered by the hopes that accompany life rituals. even if in formal terms the commodification of marriage and death is the same, viscerally i feel that wedding planners aren’t the only ones benefitting from marriages; somehow an expenditure of capital at a wedding seems to thrust the couple into the future. but where do commodified burials–whether actual or virtual–launch us? sentimental values indeed.

take a virtual (!) walk through lucky fields.

画须添龙: Fat Bird at the Guan Shanyue Museum of Fine Arts


draw whiskers, add dragon

The organizing committee of the tenth anniversary celebration of the founding of the Guan Shanyue Museum of Fine Arts commissioned Fat Bird to create an original performance installation for the event, “Open Water Colors: An Exhibition of Contemporary Works”. Fat Bird has created “Draw Whiskers, Add Dragon”, which will be performed on June 22, and on display from June 22 through July 22, 2007. An intro to the piece is online, here.

后海新村: more houhai, again


houhai tianhou

saturday morning, houhai new village, where the houhai tianhou once gazed out on houhai harbor and now sits back from houhai road, among shade trees and handshake buildings, her view blocked by cars and housing developments. those pictures, here.

also, at some point when i wasn’t paying attention, nanyou and chuangye roads became nanshan road. on my 2004 map, the road has the old names, which mark the border between nanyou and shekou neighborhoods. my 2006 map has the new names. i’m looking for a 2005 map to see when the change happened. interesting because it points to the continuing subordination of shekou to nanshan district. once, long ago, shekou was directly under the central government, and was only brought under district control in the early 1990s. but then again, the district system only came into play in the mid-1990s, but that’s not the story i’m telling here. nevertheless, i did wander past the old nanyou building and take a picture of it. again, interesting for its mid-1980s state of the art, both architecturally and in terms of landscape. (nanshan road runs parrallel to houhai road, and before the completion of the binhai expressway was the main road connecting the nantou peninsula to shenzhen by way of shennan road.)


nanyou building, shenzhen state-of-the-art, mid 1980s

second random thought of the houhai village walk. shenzhen is full of buildings from the late 1980s and early 1990s that have never used air-conditioner casings. the casings, attached to the buildings and located next to windows, were designed for small air-conditioners. presumably, once shenzheners could afford air-conditioners, they went for the bigger, better, colder variety. so empty casings and air-conditioners variously attached to the sides of buildings. as part of the beautify nanshan campaign, these randomly placed air-conditioners are now being caged.


never-used air-conditioner casings

赤湾天后宫:vexed tradition


tianhou brigade

In 2004, the Tianhou Museum and the Nanshan Mazu Culture Research Association edited a volume of couplets and poetry that had been written in honor of the Tianhou. There were two first place couplets:

赤湾伊始,敞帮门,发舟旅,西洋七下,铺开海上丝绸路;
天后岂终,携郑坚,邀邓公,南洋千寻,赢得人间锦锈春。(作者:种显泽)
(In the beginning, Chiwan opened its gates, sent out Zheng He’s ships to the four oceans, establishing the maritime Silk Road;
In the end, Tianhou lead Minister Zheng, greeted Lord Deng, a southern port of 1,000 miles, earning a brilliant spring. by: Zhong Xianze)

赤湾旭日膦人精,
天后慈云笼海疆。(作者:吴北如)
(Chiwan dawns, looks toward humanity,
Tianhou’s benevolent clouds cover the seas. by: Wu Rubei)

These two poems illustrate the contradiction between official culture and local belief that enables the Chiwan Tianhou Temple to operate. Legally, the Temple grounds constitute the Tianhou Museum, where the Nanshan Mazu Culture Research Association is based. Specifically, in Shenzhen, the largest and most public temples are officially museums and research centers. However, the contributions and activities of believers sustain the spaces as temples, especially on important holidays. Thus, in the first poem (and it was actually the gold first prize, the second poem was the silver first prize) emphasizes the Temple’s political importance, linking the voyages of the Ming eunich Zheng He to the open policies of Deng Xiaoping. In contrast, the second poem celebrates Tianhou’s divine benevolence.

Helen Hsu and others have written about the post-Mao resurgence of tradition throughout Guangdong. In Shenzhen, this resurgence has taken an interesting twist precisely because even though there are locals working to promote Tianhou, the museum and research association have been headed by immigrants from northern cities. Consequently, the two poems don’t only manifest a contradiction between “official” and “unofficial” culture—although many westerners like to paint Chinese public life in terms of an opposition between the Party and everybody else—but also between urban and rural belief systems, as well as northern and southern traditions. For most of the museum and research staff (and there are fewer then there were when I first went to the museum in 1997), allowing people to burn incense is a concession to local superstition. And yes, northern urban attitudes about Guangdong traditions can be as condescending as it sounds. Publicly, however, they take the route of the first poem, understanding Cantonese history and traditions within the scope of imperial China. At the same time, the few believers I’ve talked to, follow the route of the second poem, focusing on belief, and remaining quiet on the issue of national politics.

That said, there’s enough history at Chiwan’s Tianhou Temple to satisfy everyone, unless of course you don’t care about either imperial history or Tianhou’s benevolence. The temple was built at the end of the Song Dynasty, but achieved national prominence during the Ming Dynasty, when the Minister Zheng He led his famous maritime voyages to establish a maritime trade routes. During the second expedition, he and his crew ran into inclement weather of the coast of the Nantou Peninsula. Zheng He promised to restore the temple in return for Tianhou’s help in surviving the storm. She did help him and in the 8th year of the reign of the Yongle Emperor (1410), the Chiwan Tianhou Temple was restored.

The fame of the Chiwan Tianhou’s benevolence spread throughout the country and throughout the Ming and Qing Dynasties, believers—both official and unofficial, northern and southern, but all predominantly sailors or fishermen—continued to restore and add to the temple. At the beginning of the Nationalist era, Chiwan was the largest Tianhou temple in Guangdong with over one hundred and twenty buildings in the complex. Once the communists liberated Bao’an County (Shenzhen’s territorial precursor), the PLA moved into the facilities. In 1959-1960, many of the wood, tiles, and bricks from the temple were used to construct the Shenzhen Reservoir. It was only in 1992, that the recently established Nanshan District government began to restore the temple. The museum was officially opened in 1997 as part of efforts to prepare for the return of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty. It was, as many said at the time, recognition of the common cultural origins of Shenzhen and Hong Kong.

This weekend was the first time I had been back in a while. Not a believer, I chafe at paying the 15 rmb museum entrance fee, when the museum isn’t all that great. However, the changes suggest that elegant political poetry notwithstanding, the believers have slowly taken over and there may be times when visiting Tianhou is worth the price of admission. There are now monks on duty, telling fortunes and instructing people how to pray. There are rooms filled with multiple castings of the same god, where believers light incense. And one of the museum exhibition rooms has been turned over to photographs of important religious events at the temple, the largest being Tianhou’s birth on the 23 day of the third lunar month (this year, may 9). Indeed, the photography seems much in the spirit of the poetry competition: the museum staff’s attempt to get control of the space back, this time through public cultural events.

According to the Xin’an County Gazetteer, the Chiwan Tianhou Temple once held pride of place in the eight scenic areas of Xin’an (Bao’an County’s name during the Ming and Qing Dynasties). The other seven were: 梧岭天池,杯渡禅宗,参山乔木,卢山桃李,龙穴楼台,螯洋甘瀑,玉律汤湖. I don’t know what or where most of those sites are (although wuling must mean the wutong mountains in the east) and look forward to mapping them. However, what’s interesting here is the way historic records follow names rather than places. History as documentation and re-inscription with a vengence. In 1983, when the SEZ was established as administratively separate from New Bao’an County, all of the history from Bao’an county moved into Bao’an, even though most of that history had taken place in (what is now) Nanshan District. Chiwan, Shekou, and the County Seat at Nantou were the important historical sites. However, to find out pre-reform information on them, one must cross the second line into (what is now) Bao’an District and head to the Bao’an District Library. I remember talking with the editor of the last ever Bao’an Gazetteer. He did his research and oral history throughout the SEZ, but his office was in Bao’an County. At the time, I needed to carry my passport with me so that I could cross back into the SEZ after a visit. Of course, this is simply another variation on history in the Pearl River Delta, where scholars of Hong Kong history continue to refer to the SAR’s territorial precursor as Xin’an, without noting that the name changed in 1913. (Sometimes I suspect that Shenzheners’ attempts to annex Hong Kong by way of historical documentation is only matched by Hong Kong people’s efforts to write themselves as historically distinct from Shenzhen. Everyone sidesteps the issue by writing these historic trajectories from the Opium War on, where Hong Kong grows out of Xin’an, and then Shenzhen emerges out of Bao’an.)

This time, I kept noticing industrial parallels between the containers stacked up just outside the Temple Gate or loaded just beyond the Temple Walls and the brigades of god images. Little statues of Tianhou, Guanyin, and the God of Wealth were everywhere and never just one, instead in any room, there were shelves of the same statue, almost like a religious market, except they were all receiving incense. Brigades on view here. Questions about the vexed relationship between political-economy and faith, merely posed.

for it is thou


for it is thou

before boarding a plane back to north carolina, shirley and i enjoyed a sunday afternoon with the dead in st. michael’s catholic cemetery, happy valley, hong kong. shirley memntioned that local graves have been moved for building projects; we speculated on how safe the cemetary was from developers. but mostly we walked in restful silence. shenzhen now has commercial cemetaries that cater to hong kong and taiwanese families seeking resting ground. for a price, of course. what’s more, most chinese people don’t spend sunday afternoons with dead strangers, preferring to visit relatives and friends on specific days. quite obviously, cemetaries are for the living and the living have different relationships to the dead. and yet. i begin to think that the point might be otherwise, or rather think that the point cannot be reduced to cross cultural ethnology, although such analysis helps and is more often than not fascinating, but rather the point is to ask what death teaches each of us, here, today. r.i.p.

emplacements


detail, incense burner, julong village

addresses in chinese read from the largest to the smallest unit. last week, for example, i went to guangdong province, dongguan city, wangniudun township, julong village (广东省东莞市望牛顿镇聚龙村). in terms of the use and organization of the built environment, this administrative hierarchy takes clear form. my trip began at the shenzhen city, luohu bus station, transvessed guangdong’s elaborate (and still expanding) highway network, passed through dongguan city center, and stoped on niuwangdun’s main street, which is narrower and less built up than downtown dongguan, which in turn, is less densely built than is downtown shenzhen, where the journey began. this pattern of narrower streets, shorter buildings, and fewer cars continued with each stage of the journey. from main street, niuwangdun toward julong village, for example, i walked on a main street of four lanes, turned onto a two lane street, stepped onto the one lane street that bordered the julong river, and then turned into a gated alley wide enough to accomodate motorbikes and pedestrians.

in addition to reiterating administrave ranking (provinces administer cities, which administer townships, which administer villages), chinese addresses also tell you whether or not an administrative unit is urban or rural. thus, dongguan (shi) is an urban administrative unit, while wangniudun (zhen) and and julong (cun) are rural levels. in contrast, i live in shenzhen city, futian district, huafu street office, tianmian neighborhood (深圳市福田区华富街道办事处田面居委会). district (qu), street office (jiedao banshichu), and neighborhood (juweihui) are urban designations. not unexpectedly, rural and urban designations also take clear form in the built environment. significantly, rural forms tend to be more traditional and urban forms tend to be more modern or western. thus, for example, the buildings in dongguan city, especially the new city plaza, reflect contemporary architectural trends, while in julong village traditional housing abuts updated one-story homes (平房 literally means flat house and refers to traditional village homes throughout china).

in the prc, rural and urban designations do not simply refer to landuse and population, but also to how the land is used. urban areas are directly under the state, where enterprises, corporations, and individuals can obtain landuse rights (in a process modelled after hong kong’s), but the land ultimately belongs to the state. in contrast, in rural areas, farmers have legal rights to land both for livelihood (growing crops) and housing. there are two main consequences of this situation. first, urban areas have been designated for industrialization, while rural areas have been designated for agricultural production. legally, one can only build a factory in an urban area (although in practice, this has been erroding since deng xiaoping’s southern tour in 1992). second, in terms of property, the traditional, one-stories in the villages are situated on land that belongs to the farmer. in contrast, an urban residents purchase a condo in a highrise, but they do not have eternal rights to it because the land on which the building stands still belongs to the state.

for the past few years, then, dongguan city has been a poster child of sorts for guangdong’s ongoing economic boom. if online statistics are to be believed, from 1999 to 2003, dongguan’s economy grew at a rate of 18.4% a year, enough to make the city the fourth fastest growing in guangdong and 10.3% higher than the national average. now before i went to julong village, i didn’t really think that much about dongguan and when i did it was in terms of boomtown evils: exploitation, prostitution, and pollution. i frequently passed by dongguan on my way to guangzhou and, like supernaut, was both distressed and fascinated by dongguan’s industrial landscape.

now, what’s important about townships like wangniudun is that much of the guangdong boom is actually located in rural townships and villages. administratively, townships are hybrids; they are rural cities. this means that in niuwangdun, julong villagers can invest in industrial production (because it is a city), but that the landuse rights return to villagers, both collectively and individually, because they hold eternal land rights. this loophole has provided guangdong townships and villages with the incentive and flexibility to industrialize in different ways from cities. on the one hand, it has also enabled villagers to become wealthy independent of the state. in shenzhen, this loophole inspired the rural urbanization movement, which changed the administrative status of shenzhen’s farmers from rural to urban, with the result that their children no longer have traditional rights to the land. on the other hand, it has produced a distinctive landscape of tiled multi-story housing, factories, and traditional remnants. for a sense of the emplacements that rural urbanization produces, please visit wangniudun township, julong village.

field tripping update

several weeks ago, i posted on the middle school trip to yangming township. since then, the heping youth federation has posted on the trip here and here.